象徴天皇とは、こんなんでいいのか
私は何も象徴天皇制を否定するものではない。
然し、今上天皇(きんじょうてんのう)の退位により、次の天皇となるであろう皇太子(徳仁親王)は、自分の信奉する創価を敬い、他方、サンパウロの日本街鳥居をくぐることさえ拒否した程の神道を否定するのみならず、その人格たるや一部欧州の国では笑いものにされている。果たしてこのような者が日本の象徴であっていいものだろうか。
論ずべきは象徴とは何ぞやであり、象徴とはどうあらねばならないかである。
退位議論はその次の問題である。
(関連事項)
『ブラジルへは秋篠宮御夫妻派遣で大正解』 2015/10/28(水)
スウェーデン王室の厳粛な結婚式会場で、デジカメ !!!
これにイラスト付きの現地記事で皮肉たっぷり・・・・・・ 情けなや・・・・
2010年6月19日スウェーデンのビクトリア王女結婚式当日、参列王侯貴族各国要人の中、いきなりオランダ・ベアトリクス女王の眼前にカメラを突き出すというあり得ない非礼と暴挙。呆れ返られて、早速現地ではからかいマンガの素材に。
皮肉たっぷり!
天皇陛下の退位を巡る政府の有識者会議で、昨年11月のヒアリングの際に保守系の専門家から「天皇は祈っているだけでよい」などの意見が出たことに、陛下が「ヒアリングで批判をされたことがショックだった」との強い不満を漏らされていたことが明らかになった。陛下の考えは宮内庁側の関係者を通じて首相官邸に伝えられた。(以下省略)
◆ ◆ ◆
そこで改めて昭和天皇の在り方を述べてみたいと思う。
★ ★ ★
(木戸幸一)
1945年7月下旬、全面降伏のポツダム宣言受諾を原爆投下まで待てと米国に言われた昭和天皇は、8月6日広島、9日長崎への原爆投下後の8月14日、「終戦の詔書」の玉音放送を録音、翌15日、ラジオ放送で全国に報道させた。
1945年8月6日、日本の上層部は原爆投下任務のB29『エノラゲィ』が広島に飛んでくることを知りながら出撃命令を出さず、空襲警報も出さず。昭和天皇の命により急遽全国から集められた数万人の日本帝国陸軍将兵と広島市民が朝のラジオ体操をしている時、皆殺しには絶好の時間帯に原爆を投下させた。
1945年8月6日朝、広島で戦闘機隊に出撃命令を出していたなら・・・。戦闘機『紫電改』の搭乗員が、出撃命令さえあればB29を撃墜出来たと証言している。
例外的に生き残ったのは、事前に原爆攻撃を知らされていた第2総軍の司令官・畑俊六だけであった。
尚、長崎の場合でも然り。9日未明、軍上層部はB29が長崎に原爆投下することを事前に知っていたが、広島と同様、何らの動きもせず、無防備な長崎にどうぞとばかりに原爆を投下させた。
然し、この米軍による民間人数十万人大虐殺は、明らかに国際法違反である。それを昭和天皇は『戦争中だからやむを得ないこと』と称している。ならば、昭和天皇も民間人大虐殺の一味、もしくは支援者ということになる。
さて本題
A Secret Message from the Showa Emperor
Whitney's papers
The document poses some unusual problems for scholars. Typed in English, classified "Top Secret," and covering a little more than three double-spaced pages, it is devoted entirely to summarizing the emperor's opinions as conveyed through an intermediary. Until the early 1970s, it was in the personal possession of MacArthur's former aide and personal confidant, General Courtney Whitney, although it is not mentioned in either Whitney's or MacArthur's memoirs. Whitney's papers were turned over to the MacArthur Memorial in Norfolk, Virginia, and declassified in 1978.
ホイットニー文書
(以下原文は翻譯文の後に掲載しています)
ホイットニー文書
(以下がヒロヒトの発言記録(1946・4~6))
二、三週間前に占領が長く続くべきであるとの希望を述べた根拠を説明したい。日本人の心には未だ封建制の残滓が多く残っており、それを眼こそぎにするには長い時間がかかるだろうと感じている。
徳川政権は、民は指導者に従うべきであり、そのため忠誠心以外はいかなる道理も与えられてはならない、という論理のうえに築かれていた。かくして、平均的な日本人は、自分で考えることにおいて昔からの障害に直面している。
かなり闇雲に従うという本能によって、現在、日本人はアメリカ的な考えを受け容れようと熱心に努力しているが、例えば労働者の状況を見れば、彼らは自分本位に権利ばかりに注意を集中し、本分と義務について考えていない。
この理由は、ある程度、長年の日本人の思考と態度における氏族性に求められる。日本人が藩に分割されていた時代は、完全には終っていない。平均的日本人は、自分の親戚はその利益を追求すべき友人とみなし、他の人間はその利益を考慮するに値しない敵と考えている。
日本人の間には宗教心が欠如している。私は神道を宗教とは考えていない。それは儀式に過ぎず、合衆国では甚だ過大評価されてきたと考えている。
政府は、信教の自由に関する命令を厳守する立場にあり、現在彼らを取り締まる手段を持っていないために、こうした状況は危険だ。神道を奉じる分子とその同調者は反米的なので警戒を要すると考えている。
以上のようなことから、私は今は日本人のもつ美点を述べている場合ではなく、むしろその欠点を考える時だと感じている。
しかし、私は今、この国の労働状況をかなり憂慮している。日本の労働者は、物事を真似する事において、義務を等閑にして自分の権利を利己的に追求しやすく、米国のストライキから有害な影響を受けるので、米国の炭坑ストが速やかに解決するよう希望している。
自分の治世に与えられた名前 ―昭和、啓発された平和― も今となっては皮肉なように思えるが、自分はその名称を保持することを望み、真に「煌く平和」の治世となるのを確実にするまでは、生き長らえたいと切に願っている。
(以下省略)
(一部抜粋)
マッカーサーは、陛下が命乞いに来られるのだと思った。
「日本国天皇はこの私であります。戦争に関する一切の責任はこの私にあります。私の命においてすべてが行なわれました限り、日本にはただ一人の戦犯もおりません。絞首刑はもちろんのこと、いかなる極刑に処されても、いつでも応ずるだけの覚悟があります」
「しかしながら、罪なき八〇〇〇万の国民が住むに家なく、着るに衣なく、食べるに食なき姿において、まさに深憂に耐えんものがあります。温かき閣下のご配慮を持ちまして、国民たちの衣食住の点のみにご高配を賜りますように」
(私見)
(関係資料)
ユーチューブ 1時間18分34秒
(以下原文)
The Text of the Memorandum
[Verbatim reproduction of the original English typescript]
He said that the Emperor wanted him to explain the basis for the latter's remark of a couple of weeks ago that he hoped the Occupation would not be too short. The Emperor felt that there were still many remnants of feudalism in the Japanese mind and that it would take a long time to eradicate them. He said the Japanese people as a whole were lacking in education which was necessary for their democratization and also that they were lacking in real religious feeling and were accordingly easy to sway from one extreme to the other. He said that one of the feudalistic traits was their willingness to be led and that they were not trained like Americans to think for themselves. He said the Tokugawa regime had been built on the theory that people should follow their leaders and should not be given any reason therefor except loyalty. Thus the average Japanese faced a traditional handicap in trying to think for himself. With his instinct to follow rather blindly, the Japanese were now eagerly endeavoring to adopt American ideas but, as witness the labor situation, they were selfishly concentrating their attention on their rights and not thinking about their duties and obligations. Part of the reason for this stems from the long-standing habit of clannishness in their thinking and attitudes. The days when the Japanese people were divided into clans are not really over. The average Japanese considers his relatives as friends whose interests he would pursue, and other people as enemies whose interests do not merit consideration.
He said the Emperor had talked a great deal lately about the lack of religious feeling among the Japanese. The Emperor did not consider Shinto a religion. It was merely a ceremony and he thought that it had been greatly over-rated in the United States. It still had some dangerous aspects, however, because most Shintoists were ultra-conservative and they and ex-soldiers and others who had identified Shintoism with ultra-nationalism had a tendency to cling together. This was dangerous now the Government was without any means of supervusing [sic] them because of its strict observance under orders of the freedom of religion. The Emperor thought that the Shinto elements and their fellow travelers would bear watching because they were anti-American.
The Emperor felt that this was no time to talk about whatever virtues the Japanese people possessed but rather to consider their faults. Some of theirfaults were indicated in the foregoing general outline of the Emperor's thoughts which had brought him to the conclusion that the Occupation should last for a long time.
He said that the Emperor was very greatly impressed with General MacArthur and what he was doing. I said that General MacArthur was one of our greatest Americans who in his devotion to American and Allied interests at the same time, as the Emperor knew, had the best interests of the Japanese people at heart. I said that we Americans believed that Allied objectives for Japan were in the best interests of the Japanese as well as the world at large and we looked forward to the development of a democratic and economically sound Japan which would respect the rights of other nations and become a cooperative member of the commonwealth of nations.
In response to an inquiry in regard to reparations, I said that General MacArthur is extremely anxious to have this question settled as soon as possible so that the Japanese industrialists could get down to work and produce goods needed for the purpose of paying for imports of food and for consumption in this country. I said that the General and his staff were doing everything they could to hasten the achievement of economic stability in Japan and I added some remarks in regard to the industry and thrift of the Japanese people and the need that they exert their best efforts for improvement of the economic situation.
He said the Emperor appreciated very much the American attitude taken in the Allied Council, and felt that it had a stabilizing effect. But he was nowconsiderably worried over the labor situation in this country and hoped that the coal strike in the United States would be settled soon because the Japanese laborers, in their imitative way and in their selfish seeking of their rights without regard to their obligations, were being adversely affected by the American coal strike.
He said the Emperor had remarked to him several times that the name given his reign--Showa or Enlightened Peace--now seemed to be a cynical one but that he wished to retain that designation and hoped that he would live long enough to insure that it would indeed be a reign of "Splendid Peace".
He said that the Emperor was distressed over the loss by Admiral Suzuki, whom he had named to head the Cabinet to prepare for the surrender, of not only his Naval pension, which was understandable, but also his pension as a civil official. He had been Lord Chamberlain to the Emperor for a number of years, had done his job well in laying preparations for the surrender and, while his rank as Admiral and wartime status as Prime Minister naturally subjected him to purge, he was not prevented from receiving his pension due him from his position in the Imperial Household. The Emperor was perturbed not only for the sake of Admiral Suzuki personally but also because such deprivations, which were not understood by the Japanese, created anti-American feelings which were not in the interests of the Occupation or of Japan itself.
JOHN W. DOWER is Elting E. Morison Professor of History at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and author of Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II
(私の関連記事)
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(ユーチューブ)
日本政府は原爆投下を事前に知っていた 5分9秒
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